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Rawls, Utilitarianism, and the Welfare State:  Did Rawls Undermine what Utilitarianism Built?

(posted June 2, 2006)

 

 

            Rawls is sometimes considered the philosopher of the welfare state – as if the welfare state had no philosophy before he published A Theory of Justice in 1971.  This view grants too much to Rawls, and too little to utilitarianism.  After all, who do you think put the “welfare” in the welfare state?  As FDR proclaimed in his 1936 campaign,  Always… your Government has had but one sign on its desk—‘Seek only the greater good of the greater number of Americans.’”  An inexact statement of the principle of utility, to be sure, but the utilitarian sentiment is clear.

            Rawls was not needed to provide a philosophical grounding for the welfare state because utilitarianism had long since accomplished that task.  However, Rawls may have played a role in undermining the welfare state.  During the period when utilitarianism was the dominant theory of distributive justice, the welfare state was created, expanded, and strengthened.  Since Rawls dethroned utilitarianism in the early 1970’s, the record of the political Left has been mixed at best, especially in English-speaking countries.  Coincidence?  Perhaps…

            I am not entirely serious about this, but I am not entirely joking either.  Rawls appeals to a baseline – absolute economic equality – that is foreign to the experience of almost everyone in society.  As a result, his theory is less able than utilitarianism to support an overlapping consensus (to coin a phrase) in favor of the welfare state. 

            The baseline that is most salient to people is the baseline of the status quo.  From that baseline, Rawls’s difference principle, and his principle of fair equality of opportunity, treat people who are advantaged almost purely as a means to the betterment of those who are less advantaged.  Any sacrifice by the better-off, no matter how great, is said to be justified if it provides any increase, no matter how small, in fair equality of opportunity or in the situation of the least advantaged class.  How could anyone possibly think that such a lopsided theory could achieve the general assent of an entire society?  If those who are better off are asked to support greater economic equality based on such a theory, their predominant reaction must be:  forget greater economic equality.

            The overlapping consensus necessary to sustain an extensive welfare state (not to mention Rawls’s own more ambitious plans) is not a consensus between theories of the good, as Rawls would have it.  Catholic Rawlsians, Protestant Rawlsians and Jewish Rawlsians may all agree on Rawls’s principles of justice, but that does not get us very far.  The requisite consensus in favor of the welfare state is a consensus between, or at least cutting across, economic classes.  Only utilitarianism can achieve and maintain such a consensus,  because only utilitarianism can say to the better off:  “Your welfare counts as much as the welfare of those who are worse off.  You need not sacrifice for their benefit unless they would gain more than you would lose.”

            Of course, it’s not easy, even for utilitarianism, to maintain an overlapping consensus in favor of an extensive welfare state.  People are never eager to give up things for the benefit of others.  But people are sometimes willing to give up things if others will benefit more, especially if the difference in benefit is large, and if there is a focused social message in favor of utilitarian redistribution.  By contrast, it is unrealistically utopian to think that people will be willing to give up things for the sake of others if those others will benefit less.  Utopian egalitarian philosophies, such as the one offered by Rawls, undermine the welfare state by sapping the strength and focus of the utilitarian message.   

 

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